Edalchemist2 by Edward Elric ADD

Talk to the Alchemist, because I am not listening…

Rage at MutopisEdit

Movin' OnEdit

Congrats on your move to South Korea - have fun (that is still legal there, yes?). I'll try to keep a closer eye on the wikiality while you're moving. --Atenea del Sol 13:08, October 25, 2011 (UTC)

Page/site FormattingEdit

Since I was last here, besides the general new wikia mess they confuse with an upgrade, there's a lot of letters running together, odd characters, buttons not displaying anything, and numbers as foreign lettering. Is it just me? If not, do you remember roughly when the odd formatting began? If it's not just me, somebody messed with a template and I'll try to track down the source and restore are great language to AMERICAN.--Pro-Lick 07:21, September 15, 2011 (UTC)

The HatersEdit

Did all the freedom haters get blocked and their mess undone?--Pro-Lick 07:21, September 15, 2011 (UTC)


Consider the trolls banned for 100 years. Thanks for the heads up! --Atenea del Sol 15:53, September 11, 2011 (UTC)

2010 Truthiness AwardsEdit

Congratulations winner!

User talk:Mutopis
won a 2010 "Truthie"
for Writer of the Year
See all the winners here.

User talk:Mutopis
won a 2010 "Truthie"
for News Photo Caption of the Year
See all the winners here.

User talk:Mutopis
won a 2010 "Truthie"
for Article Photo Caption of the Year
See all the winners here.

User talk:Mutopis
won a 2010 "Truthie"
for Biography of the Year (Christine O'Donnell)
See all the winners here.

User talk:Mutopis
won a 2010 "Truthie"
for Article of the Year (Mickey Mouse)
See all the winners here.

Kalbert picEdit

On a page called 'Animal Kingdom', you have breached act 11 of the Law of the Principality of the Principality of Felix, by uploading a picture of a cat in regal robes and labeled it 'Prince Kalbert: Cat Prince of The Principality of Felix'. The Principality of Felix is a well established micro nation based in France and with embassies in Sydney and London. Our website is We ask that you either remove the photograph in question or hyperlink it to our website.

Many thanks,

D.S. Kasparov

Useless InsuranceEdit

Consider it done. Sorry I haven't been here lately - it's been crazy back out here in my actual life. --Atenea del Sol 21:21, May 17, 2011 (UTC)

I understand --Mutopis 22:36, May 17, 2011 (UTC)


I was wondering if you could add some of that truthiness in your gut to the page Old Disease. I have some, but I cannot think of it now nor do I have the time at this moment. Michigan Wolverines 20:22, January 21, 2011 (UTC)

Great work on Old Disease.. Michigan Wolverines 06:45, January 22, 2011 (UTC)


Has been warned, and I'm on the lookout. If there's further vandalism or lack of it-getting, I'll be banning him/her/it. --Atenea del Sol 18:23, November 6, 2010 (UTC)

Yawn..what a whiner

Michigan WolverinesEdit

Ok, thanks..but if you didn't know, I'm still fairly new to the site so I haven't figured out how to do some things yet..i.e. create my own template..But I may use your example thanksMichigan Wolverines 15:57, October 28, 2010 (UTC)


So is spreading your slanderous filthNASCAR Racing 17:49, November 2, 2010 (UTC)

Not sure who to askEdit

But, since there is so much discussion about the rent being high, maybe we should add a page about rent. Such as it is, Rent is about the musical. Can all that be moved or copy-pasta'd to Rent (musical)?


Thank you in advance!

ask Atenea del Sol --Mutopis 00:28, October 20, 2010 (UTC)
Thank you!


He's been warned and blocked temporarily. Thanks for bringing it to my attention. --Atenea del Sol 11:28, October 13, 2010 (UTC)

The New God SquadEdit

I cordially invite you to join the new God Squad --Cardinalqueen 20:07, September 22, 2010 (UTC) Godsquad

Who Is this?Edit

and why does he have a page?

No idea. Delete-a-roo! --Atenea del Sol 15:11, September 25, 2010 (UTC)

The New God SquadEdit

I cordially invite you to join the new God Squad --Cardinalqueen 20:07, September 22, 2010 (UTC)


Do you have what it takes? God only knows.

Have u heard of this?Edit


There is a pedo pic that needs American discretion to cover up its nakedness! File:Wikipe tan nude.jpg!

Think of the children!

Wikipe_tan_nude_Censored2.jpg her nakedness and shame had been covered

Why can't I make a page for credibility? Is it because the wiki hates Americans?

Mickey MouseEdit

ROLFMAO, dude. Tell me when you're done with it, and I'll totally feature it. But shouldn't it be El Incidente de Boca Raton? --Atenea del Sol 15:19, June 23, 2010 (UTC)

Are you aware of Mortimer Mouse? It's one of Mickey's dirtier little secrets....

Morty in 1998

Morty and Mickey

Morty and Mickey in the 30's.

I have done all that I can for Mickey Mouse, I may add or do few changes later on, but I have already run out of creative juices for this one. If you want to make some changes to it, you are welcome to it.--Mutopis 20:50, June 24, 2010 (UTC)


I'm not sure quite what's going on there - I'm not seeing the spam messages myself, and I'm able to link to Huffington Post without the link spamming up on me. Curiouser and curiouser.... --Atenea del Sol 15:28, June 18, 2010 (UTC)

Hey Muto, Part 2 - Electric BoogalooEdit

Well, in the bear-induced absence of WTVEDDB, I've been made into the new WTVEDDB. Just thought I'd let you know. BTW great work on BP - it's a great example of a catastrophuk. I'll be working on a Disaster of the Week banner sometime soon here.

PS - please entruthinate some of the news photos. They're new.... --Atenea del Sol 23:59, June 12, 2010 (UTC)

2009 TruthiesEdit

Don't forget to vote! 2009 Truthiness Awards - Atenea del Sol 20:29, February 2, 2010 (UTC)

Added a new Truthiness CatergoryEdit

Biography pass it on --PhantomDuck 02:07, January 23, 2010 (UTC)

Hey Muto...Edit

Do you mind terribly if I fill in your Athena page a teeny bit? Seeing as how I am the Goddess of Truthiness and Strategery, I would be the expert, would I not? --Atenea del Sol 14:44, November 21, 2009 (UTC)

BTW- great work on Rush, you beat me to it!

sure --Mutopis 21:07, November 21, 2009 (UTC)
Oh, and do you have any idea what happened to WatchTVEatDonutDrinkBeer? Am I to take from that article of yours that he's actually shipped out? --Atenea del Sol 11:58, November 22, 2009 (UTC)
I have no idea what happened to him, but since it has been far too long for his absence that is the only logical conclusion at this time --Mutopis 00:55, November 23, 2009 (UTC)


What anime is that epicly awesome tea-plane-girl pic from?

  • It is not from an anime but from a series of artworks called mecha musume. I found it on this website's gallery, but be advised it does contain pics that are not suitable for children --Mutopis 17:59, October 21, 2009 (UTC)


I'm back temporarily--I've been sick.Looks like you're holding down the fort pretty well!

I'll probably be out for a few more days. Make sure you contact the Wikia people if you need help with any vandals (Click on the "Live tube talk link to your left and choose the "wiki" IRC channel)

See you soon!--WatchTVEatDonutDrinkBeer 17:25, 12 August 2009 (UTC)

Roman TemplateEdit

Love the new eagle pic! I made a few minor changes, but otherwise it's perfect! Good job!--WatchTVEatDonutDrinkBeer 22:33, 8 August 2009 (UTC)

Greek God/Goddess TemplatesEdit

Template:Greekgod and Template:Greekgoddess--WatchTVEatDonutDrinkBeer 09:10, 8 August 2009 (UTC)


She might not have to. By getting this case thrown out on a technicality, she has preserved the idea that there is a birth certificate out there, without having to defend the one in her possession!

It's brilliant, actually!

Oh, I don't know if you've already seen it, but I made a mugshot of Orly for when she gets arrested: LOL--WatchTVEatDonutDrinkBeer 07:59, 7 August 2009 (UTC)

Have you seen this!?Edit

Source for fake Kenyan b/c--WatchTVEatDonutDrinkBeer 02:42, 4 August 2009 (UTC)

  • Heh, heh!--WatchTVEatDonutDrinkBeer 07:02, 4 August 2009 (UTC)

You mentioned a movie in your news storyEdit

How about this one?--WatchTVEatDonutDrinkBeer 23:29, 2 August 2009 (UTC)

Have you heard the latest from the birthers?Edit

World Nut Daily found Obama's "Kenyan birth certificate"!--WatchTVEatDonutDrinkBeer 20:54, 2 August 2009 (UTC)

  • (Link to virus-free pic)--WatchTVEatDonutDrinkBeer 20:56, 2 August 2009 (UTC)


Sorry about the mix-up! I've been trying to get a hold of the web master, but must be inaccessible and probably won't be able to do anything until Monday!--WatchTVEatDonutDrinkBeer 20:25, 2 August 2009 (UTC)

Do we have an AT&T page!?Edit

Oh, yes we do! I guess we can write an obituary for them then!--WatchTVEatDonutDrinkBeer 04:21, 27 July 2009 (UTC)

Uploading Stephen PicturesEdit

Please don't forget to add the "scpic" tag on every picture you upload that has Stephen in it. When you do add the "scpic" tag, it adds the pic to this category!--WatchTVEatDonutDrinkBeer 22:56, 9 July 2009 (UTC)

Clinton CurseEdit

Nicely done! All we need now is some pictures! (I added a footnote, there are two parts to it, you can check it out to see how it's done.)--WatchTVEatDonutDrinkBeer 04:14, 7 July 2009 (UTC)

The Oath of TruthinessEdit

The Oath of Truthiness


It's no big deal, but we already have a page for National Organization for Marriage! I can move it to your new page, but want to give you a chance to lift anything from it before I delete everything.--WatchTVEatDonutDrinkBeer 01:02, 7 July 2009 (UTC)

you can go ahead and delete National Organization for Marriage, i already took some of the stuff from the page and passed it to NOM. Also can you also make to redirect to NOM when someone types 2M4M? Mutopis

Palin's Upcoming ScandalEdit

The poop on that is it may have to do with that house of hers. (I posted it on her page)

It's going to be an interesting summer!--WatchTVEatDonutDrinkBeer 23:59, 3 July 2009 (UTC)

New templatesEdit

Beautiful! It's kinda like Wikiality's own tip of the hat, wag of the finger!--WatchTVEatDonutDrinkBeer 02:05, 3 July 2009 (UTC)

Das Kapital!Edit

I like the gif! We do have a tag called "money", maybe we can consolidate the two?--WatchTVEatDonutDrinkBeer 20:31, 1 July 2009 (UTC)

If you wanna do it you can. I created the template for former commies who now embrace state-controlled free markets of kapitalism Mutopis
I changed the colors slightly, you can see the changes here.--WatchTVEatDonutDrinkBeer 20:59, 1 July 2009 (UTC)

New Money TemplateEdit

Looks great! I can do a thing where using the plain money tag will randomly use either version!--WatchTVEatDonutDrinkBeer 20:59, 1 July 2009 (UTC)

Kool Mutopis
This way, if you come up with a new style, you won't have to change any of the old ones, you can just add the new one to the main money template!--WatchTVEatDonutDrinkBeer 21:05, 1 July 2009 (UTC)
It's done!--WatchTVEatDonutDrinkBeer 21:06, 1 July 2009 (UTC)

Other MarketsEdit

I don't know. Usually templates are made once there seem to be enough pages with something in common. Do we have enough pages about each of those markets? Maybe we could make one template just for foreign markets as opposed to one for every foreign market!

Or, we can use all those templates and put them in a foreign market randomizer template!? (Like the new one for money!?)--WatchTVEatDonutDrinkBeer 21:32, 1 July 2009 (UTC)

a randomizer foreign market template sounds better --Mutopis

Another Gazprom picEdit

File:Gazprom07-2006.jpg--WatchTVEatDonutDrinkBeer 19:07, 1 July 2009 (UTC)

Former Communist Tag or Reformed Commie tag?Edit

Do we have a tag that says "this used to be commie but now is free market lover" tag? If not, i may make one --Mutopis 12:16, 1 July 2009 (UTC)


Just an FYI: File:KlansmenTolerant.jpg We already have the gay, black klansmen.--WatchTVEatDonutDrinkBeer 22:43, 30 June 2009 (UTC)

South AmericaEdit

Do you like this one? --Atenea del Sol 16:46, 27 June 2009 (UTC)


¡Corre por su vida!
es en Sudamérica, y ¡es lleno de Mexicanos!

Yikes! It wasn't misspelled when it was bilingual! All fixed. --Atenea del Sol 16:15, 28 June 2009 (UTC)
I can, but what I'm playing on is that most Americans (United-Statesians) don't make the distinction between real Mexicans and Latinos. I'm Ecuadorean, btw, so I know what you're talking about. If it really offends, though, I will change it. --Atenea del Sol 18:27, 29 June 2009 (UTC)

New TemplatesEdit

If you want you can make them the way you want them. What I usually do is find one that is similar an copy/paste the code into the new page.

I can help you if you need it.--WatchTVEatDonutDrinkBeer 11:05, 26 June 2009 (UTC)

I am not good with templates, any help would be nice --Mutopis 05:39, 26 June 2009 (UTC)
Okay, I started the Emo template. If you want I can fiddle with the Argentine one, too.--WatchTVEatDonutDrinkBeer 12:35, 26 June 2009 (UTC)
cool thanks. --Mutopis 06:37, 26 June 2009 (UTC)
I changed the colors and the category. I like your choice of images!--WatchTVEatDonutDrinkBeer 12:48, 26 June 2009 (UTC)

Statue CaptionEdit

Thank you for fixing that!--WatchTVEatDonutDrinkBeer 19:13, 25 June 2009 (UTC)

Devil Costumed WomenEdit

I uploaded smaller versions of your pictures and erased the weird blue spots on the first one.--WatchTVEatDonutDrinkBeer 03:53, 25 June 2009 (UTC)

Asian truthinessEdit


but... this one may be my best yet Brevitruthiness

still don't get anime... its like, uh cartoon porn?

What happened to File:Sylvester tweety.jpg ????

I miss Nixon...

--PhantomDuck 00:46, 25 June 2009 (UTC)

Hentai is Asian/cartoon porn. Anime in general is difficult to classify since it represents a lot of genres of fiction like horror, drama, comedy, slice of life shows, adult/mature content programs, semi-historical shows, and kiddie programs. Anime is a medium of entertainment that contains certain elements of the Japanese culture and their subculture (pop culture, memes, etc.) and other traits that would be difficult to understand for those new to it… --Mutopis 19:43, 24 June 2009 (UTC)

An Essay on Anime and Otakus


left three one is red... Go! {C}--PhantomDuck 20:28, 24 June 2009 (UTC)


Hey! I like your stuff... most I get, obama secret Rep is a f***ing hoot! not the anime though??? I'll never get that S**t...

and you are prolific and funny. {C}MUST BE {C}
Hello, Kitty
Hello, User talk:Mutopis
Asian and very good at math.


--PhantomDuck 20:07, 24 June 2009 (UTC)

Glad to hear that --Mutopis 06:13, 24 June 2009 (UTC)

Tentacle MonsterEdit

Is this uniquely Asian? We have an "asian" template if you need to categorize your new page.--WatchTVEatDonutDrinkBeer 00:12, 23 June 2009 (UTC)


Some of those pictures show boobies. Is there a way you could "cover" them? With a black bar or something? We have to think of the children.--WatchTVEatDonutDrinkBeer 04:26, 23 June 2009 (UTC)

Nominate to be featured?Edit

Have you considered putting your masterpiece on the front page? If so, you have to put it here first, then after a week, move it here for voting.--WatchTVEatDonutDrinkBeer 19:29, 24 June 2009 (UTC)

isle of lesbosEdit

Thanks for understanding =) {C}--PhantomDuck 16:13, 14 June 2009 (UTC)

dropped a note in the talk tube for you... {C}Thanks {C}--PhantomDuck 11:32, 14 June 2009 (UTC)

Your News StoryEdit

I made a few minor changes to your story about AfricaPatchRedBlackGreen   M'Schelle   AfricaPatchRedBlackGreen and her ape-uncle. If you don't like it change it back.--WatchTVEatDonutDrinkBeer 08:41, 14 June 2009 (UTC)

"thats ok. the changes are good" --Mutopis 02:46, 14 June 2009 (UTC)

Picture of StephenEdit

Getting his head shaved by Gen. Ray Odierno: File:TheShaving.jpg--WatchTVEatDonutDrinkBeer 03:41, 8 June 2009 (UTC)

Newsweek coverEdit

File:ColbertNewsweekCover2009.jpg--WatchTVEatDonutDrinkBeer 20:55, 7 June 2009 (UTC)

Notes from Dr. Colbert, Guest Editor: here.--WatchTVEatDonutDrinkBeer 20:56, 7 June 2009 (UTC)

Did you hear?Edit

Sarah Palin tweeted where and when Colbert was going to be in the Persian Gulf. See today's poll.--WatchTVEatDonutDrinkBeer 23:22, 29 May 2009 (UTC)


Don't forget to post a description and some kind of credit for those images!--WatchTVEatDonutDrinkBeer 03:55, 26 May 2009 (UTC)

US Beef ProtestEdit

I remembered uploading this image: File:SKMcDonald'sProtest.jpg. You might be able to use it.--WatchTVEatDonutDrinkBeer 09:08, 12 May 2009 (UTC)

Have you seen this?Edit

USSA? It only needs one more vote to get on the front page.--WatchTVEatDonutDrinkBeer 22:43, 24 April 2009 (UTC) Home OfficeEdit

I started a new page, Home Office.

I was hoping to make it like a virtual "office" which means we can basically use it however we please. Post your ideas on the talk page, or just start editing.

Enjoy!--WatchTVEatDonutDrinkBeer 09:40, 22 April 2009 (UTC)

Gay Soldier PictureEdit

Do you remember where you found that!?

I don't care where you found it, just let me know--I want to use it for something.--WatchTVEatDonutDrinkBeer 02:24, 18 April 2009 (UTC)

I think it was from here --Mutopis 20:30, 17 April 2009 (UTC)
Thank you!--WatchTVEatDonutDrinkBeer 02:49, 18 April 2009 (UTC)

Did you hear about this!?Edit

Pirate PicEdit

Image:GayPirates.jpg--WatchTVEatDonutDrinkBeer 22:39, 13 April 2009 (UTC)

Possible reason for Franchification of AmericaEdit

Americans top the world in wine-drinking as global consumption shrinks!--WatchTVEatDonutDrinkBeer 00:56, 10 April 2009 (UTC)

Special Newsworthy TextEdit

HERE'S SOMETHING YOU'LL LOVE!--WatchTVEatDonutDrinkBeer 07:55, 8 April 2009 (UTC)

  • What is it? --Mutopis 09:45, 8 April 2009 (UTC)

North Korean PicEdit

I don't have a picture of any North Korean rocket or missile, but, here are some NK soldiers, this is a picture of Iran's most recent rocket launch and this is a picture of the demolition of the 60-foot-tall cooling tower at the main reactor complex in Yongbyon, North Korea.

Don't know if you can use any of them for your news story, but that's what we've got so far.--WatchTVEatDonutDrinkBeer 07:25, 5 April 2009 (UTC)

Okay, what about this one?--WatchTVEatDonutDrinkBeer 07:58, 5 April 2009 (UTC)
Two more things you might be able to use, I swear this is my last suggestion (LOL) a guy in Japan pointing to where he actually saw the rocket fly over and Glory to North Korea and Kim Jong Il! a joke page written after Stephen Colbert mentioned Kim Jong-Il.--WatchTVEatDonutDrinkBeer 08:32, 5 April 2009 (UTC)

Pic of Michele Obama And The QueenEdit

Here is a picture of AfricaPatchRedBlackGreen   M'Schelle   AfricaPatchRedBlackGreen fondling Elizabeth: Image:MObamaQueenElizabethII4-1-2009.jpg--WatchTVEatDonutDrinkBeer 00:34, 3 April 2009 (UTC)

Pic of Mother Nature Declaring War On ColoradoEdit

Image:DenverSnowStorm3-26-2009.jpg--WatchTVEatDonutDrinkBeer 17:54, 27 March 2009 (UTC)


I'm catching up on old episodes, and I finally got to the one where Stephen told everyone to vote online to put his name on the NASA space module (Code Alpha Sierra). I know you wrote a bit on it, perhaps when it does finally become official, you can add to it or link to it?--WatchTVEatDonutDrinkBeer 07:58, 27 March 2009 (UTC)

Pic of Obama on LenoEdit

Image:BHOBamaJayLeno3-19-2009.jpg--WatchTVEatDonutDrinkBeer 04:37, 21 March 2009 (UTC)

Picture of Cramer on TDSEdit

Image:JCramerJStewart3-12-2009.jpg--WatchTVEatDonutDrinkBeer 08:29, 14 March 2009 (UTC)

It GetterEdit

For your commitment to, you have been promoted to "it-getter." A badge has been placed on your user page so everyone will be envious of you.

Congratulations, hero.--WatchTVEatDonutDrinkBeer 06:38, 14 March 2009 (UTC)


Just thought you might like to know this: the "poll function" for the wikis is now back up and working. I posted a sample question to test it.

So, since you're so good with news stories, I thought I'd let you know if you wanted to add a poll for your news stories.

Drop me a note if you have any questions.--WatchTVEatDonutDrinkBeer 03:17, 14 March 2009 (UTC)

Picture For Your NewsEdit

Image:BHObamaAddressesCongress2-24-2009.jpg--WatchTVEatDonutDrinkBeer 07:02, 25 February 2009 (UTC)

Socks PageEdit

FYI: we have a few pictures of Kitlers (tuxedo cats that look like "Hitler") {C}Image:Hitler cat2.jpg, Image:Hitlercatty4.jpg and if you haven't already seen it, there's a webtube dedicated to them: Cats That Look Like Hitler.--WatchTVEatDonutDrinkBeer 08:52, 23 February 2009 (UTC)

  • Sorry, I forgot to move the page, I was going to wait a while so I don't ruin any of your edits, but then my internet has been messed up today, etc, etc. Give me a few minutes to do this.--WatchTVEatDonutDrinkBeer 05:17, 24 February 2009 (UTC)


It has been a couple of fun months for me. But these idle hands have finally found a job work, which means I wont be writing a lot of articles. (It is a temporary work for 2 months, but they say it may last longer if I am lucky... I am not ready to be unemployed any time soon and I need the money!). A part of me is sad, because I had fun and there is tons of materials out there, but coming up with funny or clever stuff is time consuming as well as tiring... But I promise I will leave something funny from time to time when I can... --Mutopis 22:32, 10 February 2009 (UTC)

Congratulations. I hope the job work provides you enough money to tithe, buy your weekly copy of I Am America (And So Can You!) and hire an assistant to post truthiness on your behalf!--WatchTVEatDonutDrinkBeer 05:48, 11 February 2009 (UTC)

Picture of Hula DancersEdit

Image:HulaDancers.jpg--WatchTVEatDonutDrinkBeer 19:54, 5 February 2009 (UTC)

Martha PicEdit

Image:MarthaWashington.jpg--WatchTVEatDonutDrinkBeer 22:28, 2 February 2009 (UTC)

Picture of King of IcelandEdit

Image:JohannaSigurdardottir.jpg--WatchTVEatDonutDrinkBeer 01:46, 2 February 2009 (UTC)

Adding News StoriesEdit

First of all, thank you for your news stories--they're always fun! I don't know if you ever have problems when you add new stories (especially when the page gets really, really big) but, you can just click on the top section "Latest Truthy News" and start a new section beneath that.

I like your story on Obama's "interview" with al-Arabyia!--WatchTVEatDonutDrinkBeer 09:29, 27 January 2009 (UTC)

"I try my best, is not easy writing something funny or clever" --Mutopis 17:45, 27 January 2009 (UTC)
Tell me about it. I can see why shows have at least a dozen writers! It helps keep up enthusiasm and everyone can try ideas out on an audience and build up to a good joke.--WatchTVEatDonutDrinkBeer 00:55, 28 January 2009 (UTC)

Have you seen this!?Edit

[2]--WatchTVEatDonutDrinkBeer 05:15, 27 January 2009 (UTC)

You should add...Edit

"Repeat after me..."--WatchTVEatDonutDrinkBeer 07:44, 22 January 2009 (UTC)

Uploading ImagesEdit

Please include some credit for images. At the very least, post the url where you found it, even if you cannot find out who made it.--WatchTVEatDonutDrinkBeer 21:58, 21 January 2009 (UTC)

Thank you, one more thing: if you're not sure (or can't remember) where the image came from, add a note that the original photographer or creator is uncertain.--WatchTVEatDonutDrinkBeer 02:23, 22 January 2009 (UTC)

Voting is Open!Edit

Make sure you cast your vote for the 2008 Truthys! Click here to vote.--WatchTVEatDonutDrinkBeer 02:56, 19 January 2009 (UTC)

Formatting Short CutsEdit

I used some short cuts on one of your news stories. Here is a link in case you want to check them out ( )--WatchTVEatDonutDrinkBeer 22:37, 2 January 2009 (UTC)

For CensoringEdit

I usually go to the redacted page and copy/paste the bars for use in other pages.--WatchTVEatDonutDrinkBeer 10:54, 2 January 2009 (UTC)

Black HomophobiaEdit

I hope my edit didn't mess you up!--WatchTVEatDonutDrinkBeer 08:27, 2 January 2009 (UTC)

Okay, please post any more questions or conversations related to that particular page on the talk page (Talk:Black Homophobia) that way if there are any more disputes everyone can post their opinion in one place.--WatchTVEatDonutDrinkBeer 05:32, 3 January 2009 (UTC)

Korean TemplateEdit

I started a template for your Korean pages. It is not locked so you can change it anyway you want. If you have questions, drop me a note.--WatchTVEatDonutDrinkBeer 00:42, 31 December 2008 (UTC)

South Koreans protest U.S. beef Edit

I uploaded a picture you might be able to use Image:SKMcDonald'sProtest.jpg--WatchTVEatDonutDrinkBeer 02:23, 30 December 2008 (UTC)

Sin TemplateEdit

I just made a template for all your sin pages called "sin". Use it like any other template.--WatchTVEatDonutDrinkBeer 22:23, 28 December 2008 (UTC)

BTW, you don't have to include the word template, or the colin.--WatchTVEatDonutDrinkBeer 22:41, 28 December 2008 (UTC)

Link on Magic Negro pageEdit

I changed the link on the Magic Negro page to one that is a little more permanent than a Yahoo! News link (their links always seem to disappear after a few days). Just an FYI.--WatchTVEatDonutDrinkBeer 21:14, 27 December 2008 (UTC)

Year-end AwardsEdit

What awards should award this year? For some examples from previous years see these links: 2006 and 2007.

Please post your suggestions for categories to be awarded here, then post your nominees for that category in the appropriate section (make one if necessary) in the Nominations section.

Please only post items that were created in 2008.

Any questions, post them on the Awards page talk page, here.--WatchTVEatDonutDrinkBeer 22:54, 26 December 2008 (UTC)

North KoreaEdit

Whenever discussing North Korea, the word "Glorious"--not greatest--is used. It's a way to mock one of the "Il's" overuse of the word "Glorious." Just check out this page: Glory to North Korea and Kim Jong Il!.--WatchTVEatDonutDrinkBeer 17:12, 16 December 2008 (UTC)


Please be sure to take notes for your images. Make sure you post where you found the image originally and the url for it.

If you have any questions, drop me a note.--WatchTVEatDonutDrinkBeer 19:50, 9 December 2008 (UTC)

LOL! McCain Concession!Edit

You need to add the word "maverick" in your description of his concession! Also, have you checked out the captions page? You can add your own caption, or use one of the pictures in the articles.

If you have any questions, drop me a note.--WatchTVEatDonutDrinkBeer 23:40, 5 November 2008 (UTC)

Correct the Obama Page! Edit

Why do you doubt Stephen's truthiness! Yo-Yo Ma is our president!

Gates of Hell photo Edit

Hi I was wondering if you are the original author of this photo? If so I would like to use it for my bands website and possibly as the cover art for our upcoming cd. I would give you full credit in the cd for designing the art. We don't have alot of money so if you need payment for it it would have to be reasonable. Please email me at to let me know. Thank You.Adamdl 20:07, 24 June 2009 (UTC)

Possible sad news Edit

I need to "speak" with you where others can not read what we write.

Could you please post your e-mail address? --Grazon 05:32, September 18, 2009 (UTC)

  • you can reach me at *******.com --Mutopis 05:50, September 18, 2009 (UTC)
    • Did you get my e-mail? --Grazon 03:43, October 5, 2009 (UTC)

Please help me... Edit

I have been posting messages to Stephen for this, his wiki, and no one has been answering!

I see you're posting, maybe you can help the truthiness?

if you have any questions, you can ask Atenea del Sol -- Mutopis 01:06, March 31, 2010 (UTC)

Thank you, hero! -- 23:09, March 31, 2010 (UTC)

New picture for uploading. Edit

I'm not sure how to do this.

Did you make those posters?Edit

Are those your work? All Hail Mutopis......we are not worthy!--Amadscientist 22:21, September 29, 2010 (UTC)

I have not done any posters, any work is from the Series of Tubes collected from the sources. I am just to lazy to list them sometimes. I take no credit for the creative work of others that have more talent than me--Mutopis 22:36, September 29, 2010 (UTC)
OK....But I'm still not worthy. =)...--Amadscientist 00:45, September 30, 2010 (UTC)

Place Edit

Is this place real or a joke or somthing? Marcus Villanova Music is Life.Lean Forward.Walden 23:06, December 20, 2010 (UTC)

Template:Food Edit


Is there any way I can get my bagel page on the menu? The Sound Advice I asked for got deleted, unfortunately, I forgot about this and my kfc articles til today. Thanks for any help. Leoberacai 09:13, February 16, 2011 (UTC)

Olbermann/Douche bag Edit

you seem to be misinformed...keith olbermann did not graduate from Cornell University. He graduated from the Agricultural School, which is not even an Ivy League school. Ann Coulter proved it when she nailed him on Red Eye.

{C}here is a video to prove it 02:00, April 5, 2011 (UTC)rollingontheriva

  • You seem to be mistaken us for Wikipedia, we fill our pages with truthiness from the gut --Mutopis 02:37, April 5, 2011 (UTC)

Pages In Need Of HeroesEdit

Hey Mutopis! Newbie with a question... I've been doing some clean up on the Lewis_Black article and the Rabbit article. Look, I've got the cajones to do them (In fact, I'm about through with the major changes) but I'm still a little insecure on whether they have enough balance of truthy, Randomness, and Monkey grease. Could you look them over and lemme know if I'm on the right track? (The gut says yes- but 2 pair of eyes is nice to have)


PS: How do I add an Under construction Template to the Article I'm working on?
Cartoon wave

Lucid Dreamer 07:40, April 17, 2011 (UTC)

Excellent! Thanx!!

Hmm... I guess this means that I need to add something on Heil Hare. ;)

Lucid Dreamer 23:01, April 18, 2011 (UTC)

More Vandalism Edit

We need to do something about User:BlackYoshi444 who keeps vandalizing and adding untruthiness to pages..mostly pages about the beloved states in this nation. I left a message for Dann135 but so far I am now turning to you...please help put an end to the madness..Michigan Wolverines July 29th, 2011 04:23 PS, sorry if i screwed up your talk page, i am typing on a mobile phone which makes formats very different as you may know.

I am not a Mod, there is nothing I can do about it. --Mutopis 06:10, July 28, 2011 (UTC)

vandalism Edit

Thats what I thought, but I thought I would try anyway..Thank You Michigan Wolverines

New York or IllinoisEdit

Which is better?


Here goes Edit

I'm taking a shot, but I don't know how well it will work. I was wondering if you would be able to help me out. Every time that I try to edit the Detroit Lions, or even my own user page/profile, I will click publish, and there are no changes. The page appears the same as before with the exception that there are added spaces between the lines of paragraphs and such. I was wondering if you could tell me what is wrong, what I'm doing wrong, or even fix the problem. I know you don't have any Admin powers, but I have been in contact with Dann135. I left him a message on his talk page, but have not emailed him. Please give me some advice or something at least..thank you Michigan Wolverines 23:00, August 30, 2011 (UTC)

Welcome to Wikiality.comEdit


Well, hello there. I didn't see you come in...

Now that you're here, would like to welcome you to the truthiest tube of the internets! We are a Colbert-centric wiki, where every entry comes from the gut to express truthiness, justiness, and The American Way.

Please check out the Beginners' Guide, About, and the common "issues" page for assistance and links to other helpful pages.

Also, don't miss the Current Events for the latest in game-like activities.

Please avoid wikipedophilia, randomness, vanity, and any other form of non-Colbert content.

Citizen Mutopis, thank you for joining, and thank you for supporting our President! Together we can accomplish Our Glorious Stephen's mission of filling every tube on the internets with truthyisms!!

God Bless America!!! And God Bless The Greatest Living American!!!!! --WatchTVEatDonutDrinkBeer 00:08, 31 October 2008 (UTC)

Not sure where sould go Edit

Possible ChangesEdit

Hi! I'm Lexi and I'm part of the Wikia Community Development team. I'm also an avid Colbert fan--I even met him in person one time! Your blog is great and it could be a lot more popular with some sprucing up. I could give you a prettier skin and main page while still keeping all the important content. I was thinking more organized columns, a skin that has an actual image instead of just blue, and maybe some custom cool-looking headers! Let me know if this all sounds good.

LexiLexi 19:48, March 27, 2012 (UTC)

HI! I'd like to get permission to use the Corporations Are People Too photo you posted on the corporate personhood page. Do you know whose photo it is? Thanks! ahines at change-university dot com.

Hi! I'd like to get permission to use the Corporations Are People Too photo you posted on the corporate personhood page. Do you know who owns it?


ahines at 02:41, August 15, 2013 (UTC)


Neoliberal Plan, Democrats Path Toward Self-Destruction. There Will Be Fireworks.

Duopoly Democracy is a Choice Between The (Welcoming Gay, Women, Minorities, Muslims, Etc.) Republican Lite Neoliberal Party and The God-fearing Tin-foil Hat Confederate Neoliberal Party. No, You Can't Have a Third Pary.

Is There a Historic Economic Shift Underway? Global elites can't count on business as usual.

This interview was originally published on the <a href="">Institute for New Economic Thinking blog</a>.

Milwaukee-born Jim Chanos, founder and managing partner of New York-based Kynikos Associates, teaches University of Wisconsin and Yale business students about corporate fraud. During his life and career, he has witnessed seismic shifts in economic thinking and the relationship between labor and capital. Chanos shares his thoughts on the world emerging from the election of Donald Trump and the tumultuous political events of 2016. <lj-cut text="Read more">

Lynn Parramore: Leading up to the election of Trump, we had eight years of Obama, and before that, eight years of Bush. Before we get to the president-elect, how do you assess the records of those past presidents in terms of basic policing of markets and corporate fraud?

Jim Chanos: Bush was the MBA president who was going to be pro-business, cut taxes and deregulate. Meanwhile, he had two recessions on his watch, less employment than when he started, and two bear markets in the stock market — probably the worst president for business since Herbert Hoover. The business guy!

Yet, he did tighten up the Justice Department and go after corporate crime. The Ashcroft Justice Department, as bad as it was in lots of other things, went after corporate fraud and accounting fraud, criminally. In 2002, we got Sarbanes-Oxley to curb fraud.

I don’t know that all this was Bush’s predilection — remember, his biggest supporter was Enron. But because of Enron and the other scandals, he got backed into a corner to go hard on them. I’ve joked that the only person who put more corporate executives in jail than George W. Bush was his father during the savings-and-loan crisis.

On these issues, I’d rather have Bush any day of the week than Obama. Both Eric Holder and Lanny Breuer of Obama’s Justice Department said in TV interviews and testimony that they factored in non-judicial aspects as to whether to mount prosecutions. I think that this had political costs to the Democrats. The crony capitalism still bothers people — the idea that Wall Street got off scot-free and they are still struggling. That lack of justice applied equally under the law was corrosive, not necessarily for Obama personally, but certainly for the party following him.

LP: How do you see a Trump presidency in this light?

JC: You and I have <a href="">talked</a> about how it has become a cost calculus for lots of corporations and financial institutions to cheat. If I get caught, they say, I’m just going to pay a fine. How does this change with new faces in Washington? You still have this very pro-corporate group on Capitol Hilll whose main bailiwick, in my opinion, is to protect the corporate class and the very wealthy. You’ve got what ostensibly is a proto-populist in the White House with a cabinet that is a mélange of different types, so who knows?

In my overall view, stuff happens to change people. If we go back to Bill Clinton, his “Putting People First” manifesto in ’92 was quite left-of-center, but he didn’t govern that way. If you look at things like NAFTA, welfare reform and cutting capital gains taxes — well, in many ways, Ronald Reagan would have been proud of him.

Events conspire to derail our perceptions of presidents. When we look at their platforms, we think we know where things are headed. But in modern times, the only two presidents that I can think of who really got their ideas and platforms enacted wholesale were FDR and Reagan. Everybody else has gotten compromised, or has had events overwhelm them.

LP: What do you make of the expectations of the economy under Trump?

JC: I worry about the heightened expectations from the people who voted for him thinking that he’s their savior. That’s what scares me — unmet expectations. For the swing voter in the Midwest who voted for this guy because he thinks coal mines are coming back or the plants are going to reopen — it’s not going to happen.

LP: What about the rise in bank stocks since the election? Are banks anticipating deregulation?

JC: Almost all stocks are going up, mostly because of the belief of lower taxation. But after Obama’s election, most stocks went down and kept doing down until the following March — and then they tripled! So I wouldn’t read a lot into the first month or two.

It could be that banks are anticipating deregulation, but so what? Deregulated to what end? They’re still going to have the capital requirements, which are international. Putting capital standards on them is the biggest way in which they were regulated.

In the bigger picture, if you think this is an uncertain presidency and we’re not quite sure where he’s going and how events will conspire, it’s not that important to get too worked up because things will happen and you’ll have to react. If, however, this is a once-in-a-50-year change in global thoughts about capitalism, then you have to pay attention.

LP: If this is a once-in-50-year change, what’s at stake?

JC: Part of my view is that in the 1930s, we rejected the individuality of the ’20s and before. After the crash and the Depression, we finally put the corporate class and bankers to the sidelines. Whether it was Keynesianism or the New Deal in the West, or state fascism or the advent of Stalinism, you saw more government control over the economy. This was good for workers and large governments. It was more nationalistic and led, obviously, to the next conflict. But the rise of government planning and government involvement was good for nominal GDPs. It was not good for the asset-holding classes—stocks and bonds did terribly over that period, right? You wanted to be a worker, you wanted to be labor, not capital.

The period from the late 1970s to 1980 changed all that. You had Thatcher and the U.K. and Reagan in the U.S. Mao died in 1976, the Solidarity movement in Poland began in 1978, and the Soviet Union peaked in power in 1979. You saw that the pendulum had gone too far and now we’re going to cut taxes on capital, we’re going to be more globalistic, and trade was going to improve. Since then, capital has risen and assets have done better than labor. Taxes have been light on financial assets and heavy on labor. Everything was reversed on its head.

If we look at the events of 2016 — Brexit, the Italian referendum, Trump, and the rise of nationalist China — are these the harbingers of something bigger? Or are they just a coincidence? The ground seems to be fertile for things to change globally. If so, does this give rise to a more nationalistic, protectionist, statist scenario? Are labor prices going to go up again? Are we going to tax capital and emphasize wages?

We’ll see.

LP: Going back to Trump’s promise to bring jobs back to the U.S. — can the government even do that?

JC: In the case of the ’30s, you had massive public works spending and government spending, so you created construction workers. But on that front, we’re not going to compete anymore, as the Carrier guy said. Mexican labor is $3 an hour. No amount of retraining for a lower-skilled assembly job is going to change that. The only thing that will replace that Mexican worker himself is a robot. And a robot is infinitely cheaper than even the cheapest labor.

Surveys show that there are jobs open in the economy, but there’s just not a skill level to fill all of them. Our problem is the displacement in things like mining, assembly, low-end manufacturing – that’s where the job losses have occurred. It is just very hard under almost any scenario no matter what your politics are to see where those jobs are going to come back.

To the extent that you have wholesale, large, construction-like projects, then you will put people to work at relatively high rates, but the jobs are episodic and not necessarily career paths. When I was making $14 an hour working steel in Milwaukee in the summers in college, a steel worker could basically say, “all right, as long as I understand that I’m going to work in this factory, I can have a nice living for my family.” Those jobs are gone. The plants closed. So the whole idea that someone can now say, “I can work in the Carrier plant for $20 an hour and be assured of a job for life and security and put my kids through college” — that doesn’t exist anymore.

That’s where the problem and discontent will come — when you’ve sold that dream and it doesn’t happen. In that scenario, Trump begins to have a pretty short honeymoon.

LP: You’ve long been linked with China. What do you make of the positions of China and the U.S. in the international economy, and how do you think they’re changing?

JC: To me, the rise of Xi Jinping is a big event still underestimated in the global political economy. He is more of a personality than either Deng Xiaoping or Mao Zedong, certainly higher in stature internally than his predecessors. He is not first among equals in the Politburo Standing Committee — he’s first. This goes along with the theory about the rise of nationalists such at Putin in Russia. Xi Jinping is also a nationalist. He talks about the China Dream, China getting back to past glories, and not exporting communism. What you would have heard Mao say.

He’s a member the Chinese Communist Party, but the Party exists now as a political apparatus, not an ideology. China would not have the type of capitalism it has today if this were not the case. So these are not Marxist-Leninists, but rather just a fantastic single party in control. We have to understand it in that light.

China is increasingly a geostrategic rival. In the past, China looked toward protecting what it had — making claims on Taiwan and Tibet and ancillary areas, but the Chinese were really content not to compete in the global Cold War between the Soviet Union and the United States. Now we have this multi-polar world, and China sees itself clearly as the prime actor in the Pacific willing to fill any vacuum that the United States begins to pull away from.

Xi Jinping comes in and immediately he rewrites the passport maps. He sets the air traffic and extends the air defense zones. More ominously, he begins to militarize the South China Sea, and puts military bases on the islands, which alarms pretty much everybody. (And yet if you look at a map of the Pacific, the only country that really needs to traverse the South China Sea is China itself —oil going from the Middle East to Japan goes around it. The South China Sea is symbolic more than it is geostrategic).

I think, however, that Trump has decided that China makes a convenient media punching bag. You can claim that China took your jobs and China is a bogeyman. It seems to me that president-elect Trump does best when he has someone to fight against. However, the broader issue will be that foreign policy and national security events have a whole different dynamic than beating up on a defense contractor for an air conditioning plant.

What will be the ramifications? How will China react? What do you do about countries like the Philippines that are in the middle — a country that has elected its own interesting president, someone who seems to want to embrace China after decades of being staunchly a U.S. ally? What does this do for Japan? Japan itself has a nationalist, Shinzo Abe, who wants to increase military spending and take off the yoke of the Japanese constitution block on an expanded military.

There are many questions, but whatever you might think, China and Japan, while big trading partners, are not the best of friends in that neighborhood. Finally you’ve got the wacky guy in North Korea. What’s he going to do?

This whole area just keeps quietly but relentlessly getting to be more dangerous. I think that at some point in the first four years of the Trump administration, the Pacific is going to heat up again.

People are talking about starting a trade war with China but they haven’t really thought it through, because if you talk to corporate execs in the United States, they’re sort of quietly terrified. Often the supply chain, even in U.S. manufacturing, relies on parts from Mexico and China coming in. We are pretty interconnected. Lots of businesses, and workers, too, will get disrupted in ways we can’t even think of in a trade war. There’s a reason why people studied the 1930s with the tariff walls that went up and the disruptions that happened. It’s negative for growth.

So stay tuned, it’s going to be interesting.

LP: To turn to Europe, you’re a Greek-American, and you have been critical of the Eurozone’s attitude toward Greece. What do you make of the situation there now?

JC: The key issues for Greece now revolve around two entities that are not Greek. First you have the EU as a whole. We continue to have these bombshells, like the Italian referendum and Brexit — and you’ve also got elections coming up elsewhere in 2017.

I think Greece was sort of the Spanish Civil War to what’s about to be the EU’s WWII in that it was the opening preview of all of the problems that are going to come to the fore if Catalonia wants to become independent, if Italy wants to leave, if France wants to leave. The EU is being held together by chewing gum and string right now.

With this rise of nationalism — if that’s what it is and it continues — the EU is going to find itself increasingly a victim of people wanting self-determination in northern Europe. That’s the first thing. Second is something I’m much more concerned about which nobody’s paying attention to, and that’s the continued rise of Erdoğan in Turkey. He has not only consolidated his power through a series of purges —thousands and thousands of journalists and academics have been thrown in prison since the aborted coup — but increasingly he is becoming more militant and Turkey is becoming a pro-Islamic state that is part of NATO. He’s throwing wild monkey wrenches into the whole Middle Eastern situation by making claims on land that was owned by the Ottomans, pre-WWI, like modern-day Iraq, modern-day Syria, and modern-day Greece and Bulgaria. He's warned the EU that he will open Turkey's borders to undocumented immigrants if EU membership talks are frozen. Like Xi Jinping, he’s putting out these old maps and saying: this is our real land. Erdoğan is yet another nationalist.

Poor Greece is at the crossroads of all these seismic events and Ottoman Empire II. You’ve got the possible weakening or dissolution of the EU, and Greek debt problems are about tenth on the list of issues in that region. They’re going to struggle, no doubt about it. Every time the Greek economy starts to show some green shoots, it seems to stall and fall right back down again.

LP: What do you hope might happen in this emerging world?

JC: This is the tough thing about being in the financial markets. You can have opinions on all this stuff and either get it wrong or have it not matter.

First, I hope our system of free trade holds up. That’s one thing I believe in fervently. The evidence seems to be that a rise of tariffs and trade walls and barriers will be bad for global growth. Given the debt overhang that’s out there, which is relentless, the ability of economies to service debts in a global trade war will be greatly curtailed, so I’m clearly watching that.

I also continue to be concerned, on a stand-alone basis, with the giant debt bubble occurring in China. It has done nothing but just gotten bigger since you and I last sat down. Despite all the talk of reform, there really hasn’t been any. The Chinese are more reliant on the state than ever — on state lending and state banks. The debt continues to grow at twice the rate of growth, and now the currency is depreciating.

We’re getting a situation where the Chinese economy is still a very important driver of global growth, but increasingly it is using the old methods that the Chinese themselves said only a few years ago that they would have to change. But they can’t, because every time they try, the economy slows too fast.

China continues to be half of the demand for global commodities. It basically supports Africa and countries like Australia and Brazil. Almost 40 percent of global GDP is either China or commodity-exporting countries whose prime market is China. That’s considerable. So we have to look not only at China’s role with us, but China’s role on its own because it is such a driver for global growth, Chinese growth represents 1 point of the 3 percent GDP growth, so if China were not growing at all, we’d be at 2 percent. Doesn’t sound like a lot but it is. We have to keep our eye on what’s going on there. A global trade war would probably send China into a really steep recession.

How would an average worker navigate a rising trade barrier globally? It’s scary. If we look back at the ’30s template, one major outlet was, of course, a giant arms race. By the late '30s, you had the whole world realizing the threats of fascism and rearming rapidly. Keynesian government spending was what pulled up the economies; it just had some really bad repercussions from 1939-45. But if we get into any kind of global arms race with China, either conventionally or otherwise, that would be Reagan-like. I don’t know what the numbers would mean in terms of employment, but you would take a lot of manufacturing people and turn them to making other things.

LP: How do you rate the current moment with big periods of change you’ve seen in your lifetime?

JC: I had this odd personal journey from being a union pipefitter and boilermaker as a college student — I made more money in two-and-a-half months making steel than I did my first year on Wall Street. I went from being a product of the industrial Midwest and putting myself through college by working in a steel mill, to being the beneficiary of the Reagan-Thatcher era. I saw the world change, but I didn’t really understand until years later what an important period the late ’70s/early ’80s was (and a great period for music, by the way!).

If we’re in one of those periods now, if 2016 is like 1932 or 1979 — then you not only have to change your portfolio, you have to change your lifestyle. That’s one of the things we’ve been telling clients. If this is a major shift to populism, nationalism, greater state involvement, and less globalism, then you really have to rethink almost everything in your life.

Certainly, if you were a capitalist in 1932, you might be best served to change your outlook. And if you were a union leader in 1979, it would have been good to change your outlook. The question will be, in 2016, would it be best for the Davos man or woman, the globalists, to change their outlook?

<a href="">Is There a Historic Economic Shift Underway?</a> </lj-cut>

Building a Mass Socialist Party The response to Bernie showed that a socialist party in the United States is possible. But there is no shortcut to building power.

We desperately need a mass socialist party. But the dictum “build it and they will come” won’t get us very far. Such a party has preconditions. It demands grounding in dramatic and sustained uptakes in the level of popular struggles and, above all, the generalization of institutionalized, vibrant bases of working-class support. <lj-cut text="Read more">

Yet after the multi-decade defeat of the labor movement, it’s precisely such bases of deep support that are so conspicuously absent. External factors like another economic crisis, even if it leads to a powerful political backlash, will not magically generate this foundation. Nor will it come about through some spontaneous dynamic internal to unions.

In the current moment, the creation of such a working-class base has its own preconditions. A central one — bringing our dilemma full circle — is a significant socialist presence in the working class. We consequently face a seemingly irresolvable impasse: no party without a base, no base without a party. Is there a way out of this closed circle?

The Great Defeat: Neoliberalism

A renewed bout of labor militancy, as essential and welcome as that would be, will not escape this impasse. A crucial lesson of the 1960s, the last decade in which the working class seemed ascendant, was that it was the failure of the labor movement to go beyond militancy that set the stage for the defeats that still haunt us.

As the postwar boom faded in the second half of the 1960s, corporations first stumbled towards reviving profits and growth then, by the end of the 1970s, capitalist elites reached a crucial consensus. There was a new world out there and options within it were polarized. The middle road of the welfare state was no longer a workable alternative; it got in the way of the profitable restructuring of the economy. It was consequently essential to put a brake on, and <a href="">ultimately reverse</a>, the advances made by workers. Only more capitalism — that is, an orientation to more deeply subordinating both the private and the social to capitalist discipline — could restore the trajectory of domestic and global accumulation.

Capital grasped the political implications of this new moment, but labor did not. With some exceptions, unions expected (or hoped) that this was a temporary setback that would end once the economy turned up or the political winds reversed. Nor did workplace militancy bring any larger counter-challenge from the Left. No call for capital controls, no talk of converting the private financial system into a public utility, no consideration of the necessity of economic planning to offset dependence on private investment decisions based on private priorities. The rising unemployment that accompanied the crisis weakened labor and with labor having no independent alternative of its own, the capitalist options readily won the day, weakening labor further. Absent any agenda beyond militancy, the working class was defeated and neoliberalism — which Adolph Reed succinctly defined as “capitalism without a labor opposition” — was born.

Among other things, neoliberalism radically shifted the foundation for capitalism’s legitimacy from essentially buying workers off to simply asserting “there is no alternative.” Neoliberal capitalism was the only capitalism on offer and if you didn’t like it, too bad.

Without a mass socialist movement demonstrating otherwise it was, not surprisingly, very hard to hang on to other possibilities. Social democracy was hardly an alternative. In Canada, it was long past identifying socialism as a reference point and pretty much accepted and adapted to this “new reality.” Like the Democratic Party in the United States, it offered little more than a vague promise of a “kinder” neoliberalism.

The radical left, for its part, tended to underestimate neoliberalism’s staying power, arguing that it wasn’t viable either economically or politically and that the eventual rebellions against it would create the conditions for a new politics. The Left, already weak by then, was for the most part reduced to bearing witness. The outcome not only lowered the ambitious expectations of the postwar period; it also left unions increasingly incapable of even carrying out defensive battles. Even for those kinds of battles, it seemed that a larger, socialist-influenced orientation was essential.

Like the limited promises of militancy, neither the frustrations of the years that followed, nor the growing understanding that neoliberalism was a class project favoring corporations and the rich, led to getting radical alternatives on the agenda. By the end of the eighties, few disagreed with Leonard Cohen’s laconic declaration that “Everybody knows the war is over, everybody knows the good guys lost.” They nodded in passive agreement as Cohen intoned that “Everybody knows the boat is leaking, everybody knows the captain lied.” But knowing you’d been had did not necessarily lead to rebellion. In the continuing absence of the independent structures necessary for confident struggle, the “there-is-no alternative” hymn carried the day.

When the great financial crisis hit in 2007, it seemed that a profound reaction from below would finally come. The legitimacy of bankers, financiers, corporate elites more generally, state institutions, and political parties took a severe beating.

Yet once again there were no political explosions, no new signs of a robust base for a new politics. As significant as the discrediting of establishment institutions was, on its own that was not enough. Occupy, to its credit, showed that a crude class analysis could touch a popular nerve and that radical actions could similarly elicit public sympathy. But without a strategy to broaden its base and (especially) move workers to occupy spaces that were more than symbolic — factories, schools, government buildings — the Occupy movement too faded.

Sanders and Left Social Democracy

Then suddenly and remarkably, after the expected didn’t happen the unexpected did. The stunning success of the Bernie Sanders campaign was predicted by almost no-one, including on the radical left itself. For the first time in almost seven decades, the possibility of a mass socialist party that extended beyond the usual suspects suddenly seemed an actual possibility in the United States and, by extension, in Canada as well.

The Sanders phenomenon not only caught the Left by surprise; it also went against the grain of the socialist left’s traditional warning that nothing could come from running under the banner of the Democratic Party. After all, it had been the Democrats under Carter that first initiated the neoliberal period and in sixteen of the last twenty-four years the Democrats had been in office implementing neoliberal policies.

Ignoring that counsel, the Sanders campaign brought tens of thousands of young activists to formal politics — a truly historic shift for so many in the social movements. It drew wide support from <a href="">rank-and-file union members</a> excited about a candidate that they could support as more than the lesser of two evils (even as most trade-union leaders, concerned with Sanders’s radicalism and electability, observed that enthusiasm with nervous eyes). The campaign put forth a broad social-democratic program on inequality, regulating Wall Street, health care, education, housing, and jobs and expanded the political discourse to include the categories of class, power, and democratic socialism. It even demonstrated that money was not a definitive barrier to an electoral challenge.

When Sanders lost to Clinton this reinforced the arguments of those claiming it was long past time to give up on the Democratic Party and move on to build a socialist party. Trump’s march through the Republican primaries to victory and then on to the presidency reinforced the urgency of creating a new party of the Left.

But there were limits to the politics inspired by the Sanders phenomenon and any consideration of forming a mass socialist party can’t ignore them.

To begin with, Sanders rose through an established party. Though political parties have suffered a profound degree of delegitimation, this has not sidelined them; their continuing economic and social impact ensure their continuing relevance. That they were nevertheless weakened gave individuals like Sanders who were not tainted with being part of the party establishment the advantage of operating inside these parties while retaining their branding as outsiders (this was also true of <a href="">Corbyn in the Labour Party</a> and <a href="">Trump re the Republican</a>s).

Had Sanders run as an independent, without the on-the-ground resources of the Democratic machine and the profile of running as a Democrat, it was highly unlikely — as he well knew — that his campaign would have had anywhere near the impact it did, just as attempts to form a left party outside the British Labour Party have generally and quickly faded. For all the discrediting of political parties, party politics remains a central site for being taken seriously. Starting a new party from scratch is something else and presents formidable difficulties.

A second and ultimately more fundamental problem was that for all the achievements of the Sanders campaign, it was in crucial respects organizationally thin, as evident by how quickly it seemed to disappear when it formally folded and how difficult it now is to revive it. The deep organizing capacity and institutional building fundamental to a sustained challenge to capitalist power was simply not built prior to the campaign or during it. The point is not that elections are to be rejected as a site of struggle, but that they derive their importance from expressing an already existing developed social base.

What was different about the Sanders moment was not frustrations suddenly boiling over; they had reached their boiling point long before. Nor was it the sudden discovery on the part of activists of the limits of protest. Rather it was that Sanders seemed to offer a practical vehicle for changing things in the here and now, through a political process (the US primary) that wasn’t destined to marginalization, that included progressive programmatic principles, was led by someone with an exceptional aura of authenticity, and demanded limited — if still significant — life commitments. So while it was an unambiguous step up, the Sanders moment, like other protest moments, was still primarily a shortcut to radical politics.

A third issue concerns the economic-political context. If neoliberalism is understood as not simply a reversible policy choice but also a state response to a pressing crisis that had polarized options and effectively cancelled the viability of any middle ground, then certain implications follow. Any attempt to return to the policies of the welfare state would — given the institutional changes that have occurred since (globalization, financialization, industrial restructuring, regional shifts and so on) — now necessitate a much more sweeping set of state interventions in private property rights.

And this, in turn, would only be conceivable alongside a radical transformation in social power and a party organized around developing the deep individual, collective, and institutional capacities to accomplish this. Railing against neoliberalism or even well-meaning policy pronouncements, on their own, can’t help but lead to the kind of disillusionments that in the past opened the door to the Right, as we saw in the aftermath of the Rae election in Ontario (Harris) and in the aftermath of the disappointments with Obama (Trump).

Had Sanders won without a base for going further, we’d have gloried in the initial euphoria but, as <a href="">Leo Panitch</a> has asked, “then what?” Might the subsequent defeat of a prematurely elected Sanders have devastated left hopes for another generation?

None of this is intended to negate the importance of the Sanders campaign. History doesn’t move in straight lines and the positive legacies of the Sanders moment, which people are struggling to hang on to through Our Revolution, may re-emerge as a social force. What needs confronting is that while this experiment may have revealed potentials, it and the kind of politics it seems to have inspired do not provide adequate answers to dealing with capitalism in our time.

The lesson isn’t that the movement came close and only needs to try harder next time. It is that it needs, in organizational terms, to try differently.

Building Capacity

What distinguishes an explicitly socialist project? The answer is straightforward. While left social democracy, for all its anticapitalist rhetoric, is oriented to ending neoliberalism, socialism is — in its vision, structures and practices — oriented to ending capitalism. The corollary is that the core of the socialist project is about alternative politics, not just alternative policies — on developing the <a href="">skills and institutional capacities</a> to address the extraordinary power and resiliency of capitalism. Socialism’s preoccupation with “capacities” is perhaps its most significant contribution to addressing social change.

The vision underlying socialism is a society structured to support the full and mutual development of each of our potential capacities to actively do and enjoy. It is a society structured to support democracy in the deepest sense of maximizing the potential capacity (kratos) of the people (demos) to rule themselves. The critique of capitalism flows directly from this: the issue isn’t reducing the level of exploitation but ending the <a href="">undemocratic fact</a> of some controlling the labor power — the creative capacity — of others and determining how that potential is advanced, distorted, or crushed.

The defining strategic concern that follows is to develop the capacities to build a new world: the capacity to envision possibilities, to analyze, evaluate, strategize, interact democratically within our own structures, organize, and act.

But like the left social-democratic alternative, the socialist one brings its own contradictions and dilemmas.

For one, the normal functioning of a capitalist society tends to undermine and deform the capacities fundamental to taking on the socialist project. Is it credible that people whose dreams have been so narrowed by their experiences under capitalism, for whom survival enforces an immediacy that undercuts a long-term perspective, whose everyday reality is dependence on bosses, whose formation into a cohesive class is discouraged by not only issues of race, ethnicity, gender, etc but by competition and wide gaps in wages and conditions — that people shaped and affected in such ways by capitalism — will buy into and sustain a project beyond capitalism?

A second daunting dilemma revolves around what we are really saying to people when we are being honest, and whether this can have much currency in recruiting them to our cause. Socialism, we admit, will take an indefinitely long time, very likely beyond our own mortality. It will undoubtedly demand great sacrifices and we can’t really guarantee that it is ultimately possible. And no, we don’t have examples to show you. It is difficult to see this having much appeal unless people are already socialists.

We should therefore have no illusions. Any initiative for a new socialist party would likely remain small for some time and as a result limited in what it has to offer. This of course brings further disadvantages, leaving socialists with an exasperating choice. On the one hand, a leftish version of social-democratic party that is more likely to develop a broad base and even get elected down the road, but unlikely to <a href="">meet the expectations</a> it gave rise to. On the other, a more rigorous and ultimately valid socialist orientation, but one that would be extremely difficult to get off the ground. Is there room for some conciliation between the two?

It goes without saying that a degree of co-operation should be attempted. But this is not comparable to co-operating with specific movements. It’s one thing to work in movements and unions that see themselves as representing a particular issue or subgroup, and quite another to co-operate with a contesting political organization. In union/movement work, the role of socialists is to support their allies’ priorities and democratically encourage them, over time, towards a more socialist perspective.

But cooperation between political institutions is much more tension-laden; it involves political competitors in conflict over the strategic ways forward. These differences are profound, often involving disagreements on the dynamics of capitalism and its current strength, diverging assessments of where people are at and how they change, the weight given to electoral involvements, and conflicting understandings of what it means to “govern” and cope with the transformation of the capitalist state.

While the conceptual distinctions between a left social-democratic orientation and a socialist one are clear, in practical circumstances they may become blurred. For example, the most significant attempt since the end of the 1940s to form a mass party of the Left, and one that unfortunately remains very much under-studied, was that of the <a href="">US Labor Party</a> in the mid-90s. It included socialists in key leadership positions and the base it focused on was primarily the working class.

Nonetheless, its policies were basically those of traditional social democracy. And on the question of moving quickly on to national electoral challenges, even socialists <a href="">within the party</a> were split between those who believed “getting on the map” was essential and those who saw this as premature and a trap diverting concentration on building the base. In retrospect, what seemed to undo the US Labor Party was the pragmatic gravitation at election time of workers and unions to the Democrats to block a Republican victory likely to more aggressively undermine an already marginalized unionism, critically starving the party of more resources.

The example of the US Labor Party underscores tricky questions for socialists operating within such a party. How much of an emphasis should be put on socialist education in the early stages of such a party? Where and when does the development of specifically socialist cadre, as opposed to progressive organizers and campaigners, occur? Should workers be recruited to a socialist caucus within the larger organization? Would this undermine the party’s internal unity? Would such activities and debates, which inevitably spill into the public domain, isolate the party?

In any case, the Trump victory has reminded us how politically fluid the current world is. To the extent to which we have not yet sorted out the meaning of Trump’s victory, it is rather speculative to discuss future stages of our still-not-existing movement.

What we can say, however, is that putting socialism on the back burner in the ‘short term’ and waiting for its longer-term cue to arrive will virtually guarantee that we will wait forever. The point is not just that the short term can shape and even dominate the long term; it’s that whatever other progressive initiatives emerge, it is absolutely fundamental that there be an independent, organized socialist presence expressing socialist concerns and strategies.

So what could socialists do now in regards to the party question?

Stress Test: Building a Socialist Current

At the end of the 1980s, <a href="">Bernie Sanders</a> surveyed the state of political affairs in the United States and asserted that “it is absolutely imperative that the progressive movement raise the issues and the analyses which will educate the people of our nation to begin to understand what the hell is going on.” Crucially, he added that “I honestly don’t believe that can take place within the Democratic Party.” That unambiguous rejection of illusions about the Democratic Party in the United States (and correspondingly, the social-democratic “dead parrot” that is Canada’s New Democratic Party) is the starting point of a socialist strategy.

To say this is to acknowledge that in spite of the many lessons we might draw on, and the latest Sanders inspiration, we are virtually starting over.

There are no blueprints to pull off the shelf, no models to comfortably point to, no social base chomping at the bit for the long road to an uncertain somewhere else. Even in the case of those unions that broke with their labor peers and supported Sanders, it is quite another thing to take the next step and completely break with the Democratic Party. Nor is it just a matter of the how and when of getting such a party started. The more fundamental question of what kind of party we are actually talking about remains paramount.

What the moment seems to call for is a sober step back and — borrowing from <a href="">Jane McAlevey</a> — implementation of a “stress test” (McAlevey prefers the term “structure test”). Let’s test ourselves. Do the commitments and capacities exist to establish a loose but relatively coherent socialist current across the country? If this can’t be done, then bravely announcing the formation of a new party won’t go anywhere.

The institutional essence of trying to create such a current/tendency has often been discussed and this familiar ground can be quickly summarized: Based on recruitment from the many activists mobilized by the Sanders campaign (or past socialist legacies in the case of Canada), socialist groupings would be formed in multiple centers. Each would develop a democratic structure, raise funds, and in terms of engagement determine which movements and struggles to prioritize.

The groups would develop an infrastructure for communication, internal discussion/debate, and public forums. They would eventually hire part-time or full-time organizers, make links with other regions, and develop what Greg Albo calls a “political ecology of protest” — that is, frame the protests within a larger political context. Progressive candidates would be supported for a miscellany of local offices to build alliances, develop administrative skills within the movement, and provide a base for local experiments in alternative ways to address economic, environmental, and cultural needs.

Speakers from abroad could be brought in for national tours reporting on related experiments elsewhere. National conferences would be held, common national campaigns chosen to build some practical unity. Debates would naturally evolve over whether the time seems opportune to give birth to a new party with its greater discipline and eventual electoral ambitions, or whether further preliminary steps remain necessary.

Underlying these institutional tasks would be a number of general political tasks. First, constantly hammering capitalism as an undemocratic social system that cannot meet popular needs, cannot meet human potentials, and cannot avoid despoiling the planet. Second, insisting that if we are to do more than complain, we need to build an institutional capacity with some hope of matching capitalism’s power; we need to move to deep organizing. Third, that at this particular moment what is especially crucial is to organize ourselves to make the socialist idea relevant once more — that is, to both create a new generation of intellectual organizers committed to socialism and through popular education contribute to placing socialism on the agenda again. Fourth, active engagement in existing union and movement struggles is elemental.

Absent such engagement we cannot possibly grasp the lay of the land, learn to deal with the inevitability of compromises, expand our base, or act constructively. Within such struggles a key challenge is to overcome the sense that socialist perspectives are distant and impractical ideals and demonstrate that they matter now — that they can contribute in practical terms to developing and carrying out union and movement strategies.

Of special importance here are interventions in a number of debates that have stymied and divided the broad left.

One is the centrality of the working class and unions. Much of the Left reserves its enthusiasm for the <a href="">social movements</a> while denigrating unions. But if the working class cannot be organized as an exemplary democratic social force, then social transformation is likewise impossible. While social movements are critical to social change, their ability to build the kind of sustained social power that might lead a challenge to capitalism has historically been disappointingly limited. Moreover, social movements remain dependent on the organizational capacities, independent resources and leverage of the working class.

Yet there has always been the question of where unions, with their sectional roles as representatives of particular groups of workers, fit into a struggle beyond capitalism. Today, there is no avoiding the most fundamental questions about the capacity of existing unions to play a role in social transformation. Is union renewal and radicalization possible? And especially critical to the place of a socialist current, is this possible without the intervention of socialists committed to that reinvention of unions?

A related and especially fraught controversy revolves around the relationship between class and identity. The US election has amplified these divisions. It is not news that there are nativist and racist attitudes within the white US working class. But there is a strong case to be made at this point — as more information comes out we can be more definitive — that the <a href="">deciding factor</a> in the key Midwest states was not the white working class’s enthusiasm for Trump’s xenophobia and misogyny but the built-up anger against an establishment that had for so long ignored their class concerns.

The increase in the numbers that abstained from voting for Clinton (or Trump) far exceeded those who switched to Trump. This does not excuse the apparent toleration of Trump’s racism and sexism but it does mean that the appeal of Trump among white voters should not be exaggerated. Any attempt to fight the expected direction of the Trump presidency can’t start by blaming the white working class for Trump’s victory but must take the frustrations of the white working class seriously and win them to its side.

In this context, class politics is not a stand-in for setting aside the injustices of racism but rather a reminder that categories abstracted from class — like “white,” “black,” and “Latino” — obscure the imbalances in power internal to each group; that only a class orientation can unify an otherwise fragmented working class; and insisting on class unity implies the committed, active support for full equality within the class. Fighting racism inside the class and in society as a whole is fundamental to building class power.

A third controversy relates to immigration and solidarity. To simply assert the righteousness of fully open borders in the present context of economic insecurity cannot help but elicit a backlash and will ultimately do little for refugees and future immigrants. Workers who have seen their own standards undermined over time without their unions or the government responding to this may have charitable sentiments but they are not going to prioritize open borders.

More can be achieved by trying to win people to a more liberal but regulated border policy, by fighting for full equality of workers once they are here, and by insisting that refugees and new immigrants get the social supports they need to concretize that equality — all of which bring us into solidaristic struggles over union rights and the restoration and expansion of the welfare state.

A fourth tension is that between the urgency of ecological time and the inherently extended epoch of revolutionary time. The <a href="">environmental crisis</a> demands change now but building the social force capable of bringing about that change — especially as it must mean a degree of democratized economic and social planning that inherently and fundamentally challenges corporate power — can’t help but take time even if should obviously be started now.

A related friction is how to prioritize the environment since planetary survival is at stake without setting aside struggles for social justice. As the environmental crisis worsens, the greatest inequalities will revolve around access to the basics of food, water, and air so the crisis cannot be separated from its impact on inequality and justice. At the same time, unless one thinks that addressing the elite will solve the environmental crisis, the only path to building the social power necessary to transform society and deal with the environment is by way of incorporating issues of inequality and social justice.

Finally, as we turn to the programmatic content of a socialist current we must confront a set of thornier issues lying behind any focus on jobs and public goods and services. Progressive policies on health care, education, housing, public transportation, minimum wages, labor rights, jobs, just environmental transitions, etc. are of course central to building a broad base. But without a further and more radical set of policies that involve fundamental economic interventions such as challenging free trade, private control over investment, and the financial power of banks and investment houses, the social policies simply cannot be sustained.

In fact, in today’s context more radical policies are essential for even achieving moderate reforms. This consideration shifts the emphasis from the terrain of policies to the terrain of power — to an alternative politics rooted in developing the deepest political capacities.

And then there is the US imperial role in the world to be dealt with. It is easy enough to oppose US direct interventions abroad but what of its “normal” spreading and deepening of global capitalism? How do we unravel a world structured around private production networks and global financial flows and do so in a way that doesn’t fall into a chauvinist protectionism? Can we address the internationalism we aspire to and contribute to the development of the Global South if we don’t control our own economy? Can we transfer wealth and technology in the name of international equality without winning equality and a capacity to plan at home? How does all this translate into program and education today?

For Canadian socialists, though we can begin the <a href="">struggle for a socialist Canada</a>, we could not complete it without restructuring our relationship to the global economy and the United States in particular. This means, above all, that complementary struggles in the United States are crucial to affecting what space we have in Canada for advance. And it means that although breaking out of the American empire may seem a distant goal at this point, this — like other distant questions — demands shaping our current strategies with that necessity always in mind.

The Task Ahead

Objective conditions are always relevant but they will not place socialism on the agenda again. The socialist project rests on what, for many, will seem an uncomfortably high degree of voluntarism. It is too early to read the implications of Trump’s astonishing election on building popular resistance and a socialist politics in the United States as well as in Canada. We can safely assume that the focus of most progressive politics will concentrate on electoral tactics to replace Trump with a rhetorically more populist-inclined Democratic Party.

The socialist left will obviously be a staunch part of the opposition to the Trump regime, but whatever role it plays in protests and at election time, it has another great (and unique) responsibility. The socialist left must find a way to escape the repeated submersion of politics in the swamp of the electoral cycle with its constrained options and its constricted politics.

The task for socialists is to initiate and sustain a determined, systematic drive to build popular new understandings and to develop its own and popular capacities. Without denying the complexities, uncertainties, and difficulties involved, the socialist left must finally — finally — put in motion the tentative steps that might in time make the socialist vision a popular alternative again.

<a href="">Building a Mass Socialist Party</a>

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